U.S. support for Israel is shaped primarily by strategic and economic motives rather than shared values

Gerry Chidiac

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The United States’ support for Israel is rooted more in American geopolitical interests in the Middle East than cultural or ideological alignment.

In 1986, then-Senator Joe Biden remarked, “If there were not an Israel, we’d have to invent one.” Repeating this sentiment as president in 2023, he highlighted an enduring U.S. perspective: Israel is a key ally in a region rich in resources and fraught with strategic complexities.

To simplify that this support stems from “the power of the Jewish lobby” is not only inaccurate but risks dangerous anti-Semitic assumptions. American interests in Israel are influenced by a mix of economic, ideological and security factors, none of which should be reduced to a single group’s influence.

Support for Israel runs deeper than any American administration or particular religious or ethnic group. Zionism, the belief in the necessity of a Jewish state, has adherents among both Jewish and non-Jewish communities. While many Jews identify as Zionists, many others do not, reflecting diversity within Jewish thought.

In fact, the largest base of Zionist support comes from Christian Zionists, who often view Israel through a religious lens. Ironically, the apocalyptic beliefs of some Christian Zionists foresee a battle in Israel that could be construed as anti-Semitic, given the violent destruction it imagines.

U.S. support for Israel and American foreign policy is shaped by geopolitical interests in the Middle East rather than shared values

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The historical context around Israel’s establishment adds complexity to the U.S.-Israel relationship. Western nations involved in creating Israel, including Canada, the United States and Britain, had troubling records with Jewish immigration in the 20th century. These countries imposed restrictive policies on Jewish refugees fleeing Nazi persecution, leaving many stranded.

Yet after the Second World War, these same nations endorsed establishing Israel through the United Nations, in part shaping Jewish migration away from their own borders while also addressing the plight of Jewish survivors in a limited way.

Today, the U.S. and other Western countries continue to offer strong diplomatic and military support to Israel, a commitment that reflects both shared security interests and significant economic incentives, especially in the defence industry. For example, weapons used by the Israeli military are marketed as “battle-tested,” a label that boosts their commercial value. This reveals how economic forces profit from prolonged conflict, adding a troubling dimension to U.S.-Israel ties.

It is also notable that despite decades of violence in the Middle East, fossil fuel infrastructure remains largely untouched, raising questions about whether military actors have economic interests in sparing certain assets. While this doesn’t prove collusion, it does suggest Western powers have strategic motives in the region that extend beyond humanitarian concerns.

The human cost of the conflict is devastating, impacting Israelis and Palestinians alike. Fractures are emerging in Israeli society, where economic pressures, mental health issues and a sense of international isolation are on the rise. Without the continued, nearly unconditional flow of arms from the United States, much of Israel’s military action would not be possible. While security concerns are genuine, unchecked arms supplies could be prolonging conflict rather than encouraging peace.

In the end, Biden’s statement about “inventing an Israel” if one didn’t exist underlines the depth of U.S. interests in the Middle East. This invites a critical look at American motives in the region, where economic and military interests often outweigh human costs.

This perspective encourages a balanced understanding of the complex factors driving U.S. support for Israel without oversimplifying or relying on assumptions that could perpetuate harmful stereotypes.

Gerry Chidiac specializes in languages and genocide studies and works with at-risk students. He received an award from the Vancouver Holocaust Education Centre for excellence in teaching about the Holocaust.

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